This position paper summarizes the provisions of the PTA as well as looking into whether these provisions violate human rights. The report also lists a set of key contentions against the PTA as well as recommendations for reform. This report was prepared by the research unit of OTI.
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This video analyzes the Sri Lankan economic crisis and outlines the causes, effects and consequences of the crisis. It looks at the crisis from an economic, political and humanitarian perspective and outlines the scale of the challenge Sri Lanka faces.
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On May 12, 2022 Sri Lanka’s President Gotabaya Rajapaksa shocked the nation and world by announcing the appointment of Ranil Wickremasinghe as Prime Minister.
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Increasing inequality is a political economic issue affecting countries across the world. Inequality has been a pervasive feature of modern society. Inequality can be broadly categorized into income and wealth inequality.
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Sri Lanka’s current economic crisis is more of a crisis of governance than a crisis of economic management. This was among the key take-aways from the public seminar on ‘Public Finance and Public Service’ held at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute
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Amendments proposed by Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Lks29293ByFhcPbMi4EjSdf5kAhuZ6f3/view?usp=sharing Amendments proposed by SJB English https://drive.google.com/file/d/12aULrF199GBxUK70y0k0ZbRbGyrUkJzS/view?usp=sharing Sinhala https://drive.google.com/file/d/1QrqOPfpzQ7npgKfRSktoQ0ru3jERkXrR/view?usp=sharing Tamil https://drive.google.com/file/d/16gXPUoWi3jRRz1KkW0uedujaIHQ0bIqS/view?usp=sharing
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The Sri Lanka Ramanya Maha Nikaya and Amarapura Maha Sanga Sabhawa have sent out statements calling for an end to the Junta’s role and the country and for the return to democracy. Such a response is apt from Buddhist Sri Lanka because there is a school of thought that Theravada Buddhism came to this island from Burma; hence there is a responsibility or urge to respond to the military style takeover of the country.
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First, he had responded to me in a matter of two days, and that is a favour I could not return, regrettably. Second, and more importantly, the title of his reply ‘Saving Sri Lanka’s democracy: A strategic perspective’, signified that I could expect to read some actionable and positive recommendations useful to the progressive camp in the defence and strengthening of democracy in Sri Lanka.
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Firstly, this is a trap for the SJB and Sajith Premadasa, in which the “broad platform” gets to decide on the “common” Presidential candidate and the manifesto. Given Harinda B’s article it is very clear who and what he has in mind: either Karu J or a recycling of the nonsensical ‘abolition of the executive Presidency’ slogan.
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Unfortunately, Dayan Jayatilleka continues to make two mistakes that are likely to hinder the SJB’s chances of unifying the Opposition into a formidable force that can withstand an onslaught on democracy by the ruling coalition.
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